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THE 



UNION 



OF 



THE STATES. 



BY 



ANNA ELLA CARROLL, 

OF MARYLAND, 
AUTHOR OF THE " GREAT AMERICAN BATTLE," " STAR OF THE WEST," KTO. 



" One in the struggle for mankind ; 
One in the strife for equal laws ; 
One, only one, in heart and mind, 
Forever one in Freedom's cause." 



BOSTON: 

JAMES FRENCH AND COMPANY 

NEW YORK : 

MILLER, ORTON & MULLIGAN. 

1856. 



,C3 



C-o-f^. 



*• 



Entered according to Act of Congress, in the year 1856, by 

W. S. TISDALE, 

In the Clerk's Office of the District Court of the District of Massachusetts. 



Stereotyped by 

HOBART & R0BBIN8, 

New England Type and Stereotype Foundery, 



By Transfer 

NOV 1 3 1922 



THE UNION OF THE STATES. 



CHAPTER I. 

** What God in his mercy and wisdom designed, 
And armed with his weapons of thunder, 
Not all the earth's despots and factions combined 
Have the power to conquer or sunder ! " 

Americans, let us see how the first stones were 
gathered, and the foundation of this Union laid. 
It began under great tribulation ; but God over- 
ruled its origin, and has been its great support. 

A reformed church of "poor people, " or those 
in moderate circumstances, called Puritans, dwelt 
in England at the close of the reign of Queen 
Elizabeth, and lived in the villages of Lincolnshire, 
Nottinghamshire, and Yorkshire. 

These people, under their pastor, John Kobin- 
son, were assailed day and night by the ministers 
of the ecclesiastical tyranny which governed and 
swayed England. 



4 THE UNION OF THE STATES. 

At great suffering and peril, they resolved to 
seek safety by exile, in Holland. In 1607, their 
first attempt to leave England was arrested, under 
King James, and some of the Puritans were im- 
prisoned ; but they had an unfrequented heath in 
Lincolnshire, where they continued to worship ; 
and, on procuring the release of their wives and 
children, in 1608, they were successful in making 
their escape to Amsterdam. 

From Amsterdam, these Puritans went to Ley- 
den, under the guidance of Eobinson and Brews- 
ter, and there betook themselves to industrial pur- 
suits of all kinds, which fitted them for their future 
but unsuspected destiny. The desire to advance 
the Gospel in the New World, the cherished idea 
of their minds, finally induced them to turn their 
thoughts to the settlements in America. Still, the 
Pilgrims loved their native soil, their native lan- 
guage, and their Anglo-Saxon liberty ; and so 
deep was the love of country yet implanted in their 
affections, that they sought the protection of the 
English government for the colony they projected 
in the western world. 

John Carver and William Bradford repaired to 
London, and succeeded, after a negotiation of two 



THE UNION OF THE STATES. 5 

years, in obtaining a patent for the Plymouth Com- 
pany. After an absence of twelve years from their 
native land, these exiles made ready for embarking 
across the ocean. They sold their estates, and 
used their money in fitting out two vessels for the 
purpose ; but these could accommodate only a part 
of the congregation. 

These Pilgrims sailed from Delfthaven, near 
Leyden, via Southampton, for America, after being 
a fortnight in England. But the Speedwell proved 
not to be seaworthy, and they returned to Dart- 
mouth for repairs. Finding, however, that this 
vessel could not be trusted for such a voyage, they 
left Dartmouth for Plymouth, where, with one 
hundred souls, they embarked, on the 17th of Sep- 
tember, 1620, for America. Their small vessel, 
the Mayflower, consisted of only one hundred and 
eighty tons ; and after a passage of sixty-three 
days, it reached the harbor of Cape Cod, and this 
precious cargo of human souls was landed on the 
Rock of Plymouth Dec. 22d, 1620. 

While the Mayflower was at anchor, the form 

of government to which they should conform, as 

one people, was seriously discussed ; and, after 

prayer and thanksgiving to almighty God, an instru- 

1* 



6 THE UNION OF THE STATES. 

ment or compact was drawn, to which forty-one of 
the crew subscribed their names ; the rest of the 
one hundred being the wives and children of these 
men. 

This, Americans, was the first republic erected 
in America, and is the most remarkable instance 
of the true spirit of liberty upon the record of his- 
tory. Think of a colony, under the sanction of 
a royal charter, from an English monarch, coming, 
under the inspiration of God and liberty, to plant 
upon American soil republican freedom ! 

Here is the document : 

PLYMOUTH COMPACT. 

' ' In the name of God, amen ! We, whose 
names are underwritten, the royal subjects of our 
dread Sovereign, King James, having undertaken 
for the glory of God and advancement of the Chris- 
tian faith, and honor of our King and country, a 
voyage to plant the first colony in the northern part 
of Virginia, do, by these presents, solemnly and 
mutually, in the presence of God and of one 
another, covenant and combine ourselves together 
into a civil body politic, for our better ordering and 
preservation ; and, in furtherance of the ends 



THE UNION OF THE STaTES. 7 

aforesaid, constitute and frame such just and equal 
laws, ordinances, acts, constitutions, and offices, 
from time to time, as shall be thought most con- 
venient for the good of the colony. 

' ' Unto which we promise all due submission and 
obedience." 

Signed by John Carver, William Brewster, Ed- 
ward Winslow, and forty-one in all. 

For five thousand years this vast continent lay 
upon the bosom of the deep, occupied by untutored 
man, of the manner and the date of whose origin 
here we have no account ; but a passage is supposed 
to have been effected across Behring's Straits, where 
Asia and America are separated by only forty miles. 
This continent, nearly as large as Europe and 
Africa united, extending on both sides of the equa- 
tor, lying between the western shore of Europe and 
Africa, and the east of Asia, surrounded by groups 
of islands on either ocean, presented an impenetra- 
ble mystery to the eastern world. 

Not less remarkable has been the unparalleled 
development of liberty, growing out of the desire 
for a retreat for freedom to worship God. The 
Huguenots of the South came to this land under the 



8 THE UNION OF THE STATES. 

same inspiration, and suffered even more by perse- 
cution. Americans, can the conviction that these 
were the men whose views were carried out in 
founding this republic now be slighted ? We are 
the only people strong, courageous, and free — 
the only nation which has the element of dura- 
bility. When the flag of our country was borne 
to Mexico, after so long a period of profound peace, 
it was prophesied by all the world we were to 
meet an ignominious defeat ; but when the first flash 
was seen, and the first thunder of cannon heard, 
American men, who had lived only to protect their 
homes and firesides, rushed to the scene of action, 
and fought so gloriously and so triumphantly that 
the world was lost in admiration at their victories. 
With our little army of eight or ten thousand op- 
posed to eight or ten millions of Mexicans, added 
to barriers which nature had made seemingly in- 
surmountable, Americans, under the free spirit 
which formed the republic on the Mayflower, 
fought like soldiers, and died like freemen ! 

The same God which had taken the English 
Pilgrim and set him on Plymouth Rock led the 
French Huguenot to the South. It was the genius, 
the heroism, the instinct, of liberty. So have the 



THE UNION OF THE STATES. VJ 

North and South, when great principles were at 
stake, commingled as one spirit and one blood ! 
From the days of '76, to the day Gen. Scott, at 
the head of the American army, caused Santa Anna 
to lay down the sword and bow to the supremacy 
of American arms, the North and the South knew 
no section, divided no interest, when a common 
danger perilled our existence as a free people. 

In 1792, we were thirteen poor and compara- 
tively feeble states. The whole cotton crop did 
not exceed three hundred and fifty-seven bales. 
After Whitney's cotton-gin machine was invented, 
in 1794, there was an increase in its growth, and 
in 1795 it amounted to three thousand seven hun- 
dred and fifty bales. Now, we are a people count- 
ing thirty millions, with thirty-one states, and an 
expansive territory, out of which many others will 
ultimately be made. The constitutions of most of 
the old states have been altered. Vast resources 
are being developed, and our cotton-bales count 
annually nearly four millions. 

The United States are yet only in their infancy. 
The growth of their marketable staples, their agri- 
cultural resources, and their annual incomes, is 
beyond all present calculations, as well as the 



10 THE UNION OF THE STATES. 

benefits of commerce and art, which we cannot 
even conjecture. 

Our representative government, our religious 
freedom, our trial by jury, our free press, and 
other attributes of Anglo-American liberty, urge 
this people to extend themselves under peaceful 
arts, and to cherish perpetually the compact of the 
Union, as the only bond, the everlasting bond, of 
our national life, and faith, and action. 

Ancient Koine excited glorious patriotism by 
heaping bright garlands upon her living sons ; 
but her nationality and pride forbade her stop- 
ping there. She looked behind, and forgot not 
the founders of her political edifice. How much 
more than Romans should we Americans cherish 
the sacred ashes of our dead, who gave the Union 
its fair proportions, and taught the lesson of self- 
denial and conciliation by which it must be pre- 
served ! 

Josiah Quincy went from Boston to Charleston, 
South Carolina, to enlist the Huguenots with the 
descendants of the Puritans for our independence, 
— the descendants of men who were answered in 
their last prayer, and shown by God the way to 
this their promised land. 



THE UNION OF THE STATES. 11 

When the Union was endangered for the third 
time, in 1850, J. C. Calhoun, of South Carolina, 
discoursed upon this bond of attachment which 
bound together Massachusetts and Carolina, and 
declared, with rapture, shortly before he died, that 
it was as indissoluble as ever. 

Webster, too, who first read the constitution on 
a cotton handkerchief, wanted that constitution to 
give its rights to all parts of the Union. When 
warned, in 1850, that his course on the comprom- 
ise would endanger his hopes for the presidency, 
the triumph of the Union over selfish ambition 
showed itself, as he exclaimed, "I would not 
swerve a hair to be president." 

Henry Clay, dear to the hearts of millions, from 
this same love of the Union, was warned in 1839, 
in the Senate, by William C. Preston, of South 
Carolina, against unnecessarily exciting the aboli- 
tionists, as it might interfere with the aspirations 
he then enjoyed for the presidency. The great 
American's prompt response is above all Greek or 
Roman fame — " I had rather be right than be 
president!' The abolitionists became ever after 
his unrelenting foes, and, in connection with Mr. 
Buchanan's false charge of bribery, of which Bu- 



12 THE UNION OF THE STATES. 

chanan himself was the sole author, and the Romish 
hierarchy, defeated his prospects and blighted the 
hopes of his friends forever. 

Americans, for the fourth time our national 
existence is in peril ! Its first clanger was under 
Madison ; second, under Jackson ; third, under 
Taylor and Millard Fillmore ; and lastly, under 
Franklin Pierce, our present chief magistrate. 

Under the administration of Gen. Taylor, three 
Southern States of the Union submitted the question 
to the people whether they should remain in the 
Union. Officers of the army and navy were then 
sounded, to see if they would declare for a Southern 
republic. They declared for the Union as it is, 
under the American flag. All the Southern States 
but one did likewise. It was the Roman firmness 
of Mr. Fillmore, after the death of Taylor, that 
saved the Union in 1850. 

The treaty of peace, which acknowledged our 
national independence, in 1783, was not only highly 
honorable to us, but England made far greater 
concessions to us than she did at that time to Spain 
or France. In 1785, Congress elected John Adams, 
by ballot, as the first minister to Great Britain ; 
and on the 25th of May of that year, the King of 



THE UNION OF THE STATES. 13 

England, who had waged war upon us as subjects, 
and attempted to brow-beat us as menials, was 
humiliated to a public reception of our national 
ambassador, who represented the new republic. 
Keenly did England feel the blow which had forced 
her, before mankind, to recognize our power and 
dignity among the nations of the earth. George 
the Third, the king, received Mr. Adams by a 
speech, to which Mr. Adams replied. He was 
afterwards presented to the queen, who also had a 
kind word to say of "America and Americans.' ' 
"You are not," said the king to Mr. Adams, 
"like the most of your countrymen, attached to 
France.' ' "I have no attachment but to my 
native country," said Mr. Adams. "An honest 
man will have no other," said the king. And this 
was the feeling under which we were baptized a 
free people. 

Messrs. Jay, Adams, and Franklin, were sent 
to Paris to obtain formal protection to our com- 
merce. But while other European nations entered 
readily into treaties of commerce, England refused 
to do so, and during the six years of our confeder- 
acy after peace, no minister was sent to America. 
Mr. Adams, failing to induce Great Britain to 
2 



14 THE UNION OF THE STATES. 

send a minister, or to form a treaty of commerce, 
returned home in 1787. 

After the Union was organized, the strength and 
dignity of the government were felt by all foreign 
nations, and respected. Gen. Washington re- 
quested Governeur Morris, who was in Europe, to 
see if England would then send a minister ; to 
which she readily acceded, and George Hammond 
presented his credentials from that court in Au- 
gust, 1791. 

The strength and dignity obtained for the gov- 
ernment by the Union of the States were at once 
felt and manifested by foreign powers. In 1793, 
when France declared war against England, Gen. 
Washington issued his celebrated proclamation for 
neutrality, and recommended to Congress that a 
special messenger be sent to England, to aid Mr. 
Pinckney, of South Carolina, already our accred- 
ited minister to that court. General Washington 
determined to save the Union, but just formed ; and, 
in defiance of the unpopularity of this measure, to 
preserve the policy of neutrality. He therefore 
immediately nominated John Jay, and hence the 
treaty which laid the foundation of this Union's 



THE UNION OF THE STATES. 15 

commercial prosperity, and made its basis still 
more impregnable. 

And now, Americans, it is the firmness of the 
Union, its celebrity, its prosperity, its past happi- 
ness, attained under our free and fair constitution, 
which has struck terror to Europern despots, and 
made them tremble on their thrones. This gov- 
ernment is the only one upon earth which meets 
the wants of the masses, and embraces, as far as 
its limits extend, the entire continent under the 
shadow of its protecting wings. Under its wise 
laws and benign policy, nothing can stay our na- 
tional progress, — nothing, nothing ! The bravest, 
the freest, the most energetic people on the face 
of the globe, have been born under the flag of the 
American States. 

Look, my countrymen, at the resources of your 
mighty republic, and see how the Union has devel- 
oped them ! Look at your territory, and see how 
the Union, in its triumphant march, has expanded 
its boundaries from a fragment to a continent ! 
Look at your inventive genius, your skilful artists, 
the busy hum of internal trade, the multiplied 
products of healthy sinews and free labor, and see 
how the Union has prospered you ! Look at your 



16 THE UNION OF THE STATES. 

sublime mountains, your magnificent rivers, youi 
luxuriant prairies, your vast and beautiful lakes, 
your exhaustless mines of gold and silver, and 
your rich and beneficent soil, and see why your 
population has swelled from two million five hun- 
dred thousand to thirty millions, in eighty years ! 

It is the Union of these States, under the great- 
est and best form of government human wisdom 
ever conceived, that has done it all. It is the cup 
of love and peace, which has been drunk from the 
fountain of the constitution, by the whole popula- 
tion. The nation, from all points of our compass, 
have met in the circling bond of the Union, and 
clasped the pillars of the constitution with united 
heart and hand ; and, under the inspiration of its 
proud stars and stripes, have exchanged the grate- 
ful and joyful tokens of faith and affection. 

What should be the cry of all the inhabitants of 
this land, but "The Constitution and the Union 
forever ! " With this glow of magnanimity, with 
this cry of patriotism, traitors and emissaries 
from without can as easily upturn the ocean 
from its bed, or tear the pillars of the Alleghany 
from their deep foundations, as to break up this 



THE UNION OF THE STATES. 17 

government by the dissolution of this blessed, 
blood-bought, heaven-descended Union. 

We know full well the jealousy of foreign des- 
pots. To arrest our " manifest destiny," by the 
destruction of republicanism, is the ceaseless aim 
of the despotisms of Europe, to favor their own 
self-preservation. Eussia, England, France, Aus- 
tria, Rome, Spain, and every other monarchical 
and despotic government, now swell with joy to 
witness internal dissensions which threaten a sev- 
erance of the states ; but how much more would 
they exult in its actual occurrence ! Philip of 
Maceclon, when he set about conquering Greece, 
did not invade it by an aggressive army, but by 
creating and cherishing dissensions among the 
states of Greece. So it is now with European 
governments. They feel the moral as well as the 
political reaction upon them of the United States. 
They know that the principles upon which the 
Union is founded are subversive of European aris- 
tocracies. They were aware of the sympathy of 
Americans with the struggling patriots of Greece, 
— with the struggling patriots of Italy, in the 
revolution of '48, — and the moral influence which 
ever reacts in favor of a people panting for free- 

9# 



THE UNION OF THE STATES. 

dm. They behold, with seeret wonder and envy 
the rapid growth of the United States in power' 
and greatness. ' 

England - we speak of her government partic- 
ularly - ls jealous of us, because she is monarchi- 
cal, and mores in the reciprocal sympathies of the 
o her monarchies of Europe. But the great body 

tLjj-T?t r e strongIy opposed t0 a ™ -th 
ZT es - When we speak ° f **■*. 

therefore, we more particularly speak of her gov- 
ernment, which found, in 1812, that no thunder 
could be obtamed by her arms in a contest with 
the Amencan, Her oligarchy try a more quiet 
77// c «°n,to -dissension, and reap" the 
benefit of contention, among the states, by f avor . 
-g any symptoms of disaffection which may sprin, 
-P *» disturb our happy Union. In this unholy 
antagomsm, the press of Europe has heaped its 
landers upon us. But its praise or blame neither 
disturbs our sleep, nor intercepts our influence and 
onward march. 

Our commercial marine, on the high seas is 
greater than that of Erance or England,- per^ 
bo h umted ; and, in case of danger, our marine 
and fishermen would supply our navy ^ 



THE UNION OF THE STATES. 19 

fears our strength, while she feels our cotton and 
breadstuffs essential to her very existence. These 
motives constrain her to Jesuitical cautiousness in 
her attempts to divide the Union, by which she 
expects to treat with both North and South on her 
own terms. 

Once let England, France, Austria, Russia, and 
Prussia, send us representative men, — men of 
large ideas, who can understand the principles of 
our political machinery, and faithfully report the 
progress and development of our country at home, 
— then the value and the permanence of the 
Union can be appreciated, and much useless ex- 
penditure of money and time may be averted. 

Bat who is it that now cries out, " Join us, to 
save the Union " ? Americans, it is the very 
party — the democratic party — who have shown 
the people, by their acts, that they are not compe- 
tent to administer the government of our country. 
The Missouri Compromise law, which was framed 
to give peace and perpetuity to the Union, and the 
repeal of which was in all respects the most atro- 
cious act ever perpetrated by the representatives 
of the people, was the achievement of the demo- 



20 THE UNION OF THE STATES. 

cratic party, under an imbecile democratic pnjsi 
dent. 

Americans, the day has come when you must 
not and will not be deceived by these specious 
pretences of loving the Union ; and it is idle for 
that party, which has more than once endangered 
it, longer to attempt to cheat the people. What 
are the facts from the records of history ? At the 
time the government of the United States was 
formed under the constitution, there was a large 
tract of land lying north-west of the Ohio Eiver, 
called, on that account, the North-west Territory ; 
and, to have all those who participated in the 
battles of the Eevolution possess a common right 
to it, our fathers passed a law called the Ordi- 
nance of 1787, which prohibited slavery in all 
the territory then belonging to the United States. 
In 1803, we acquired, by a treaty under Mr. Jef- 
ferson, another tract of land, known as Louisi- 
ana Territory ; and as the Ordinance of '87 had 
reference only to the North-west Territory exclu- 
sively, and not to that which the framers of the 
constitution never supposed we would possess, agi- 
tation at once was created between the North and 



THE UNION OF THE STATES. 21 

South as to the mode of disposing of the slave 
question on their new territory. 

In a little while the State of Missouri was 
formed out of a part of the Louisiana Territory, 
and knocked for admission into the Union at the 
door of Congress. The South, at that time, was 
in a minority in Congress, and it was therefore in 
the power of the North to admit Missouri as a 
slave state, or to reject it, and insist that the law 
of 1787, which forbade the extension of the insti- 
tution of slavery into the North-west Territory, 
should be made also to apply to the Louisiana 
Territory. 

Finally, the South introduced the famous Mis- 
souri Compromise, and it was passed by Southern 
votes. It is true a Northern man introduced the 
measure ; but the proposition came from the South, 
and was supported by the South. The South said 
to the North, " If you will allow us — you being 
in the majority, and having the control — if you 
will permit us to carry slavery up to the line of 
36 deg. 30 min., we will pledge ourselves not to 
attempt to carry slavery beyond 36 deg. 30 min. ,, 
They said, " We will allow every state south of 36 
deg. 30 min., that chooses, to adopt slavery or 



22 THE UNION OF THE STATES. 

reject it, as they please ; " but, if they come to Con- 
gress, as Missouri has done, you will make no 
opposition to their admission on the ground of 
slavery, whether it is in or out of their consti- 
tution. 

In the Senate of the United States every 
senator from the South voted for this Missouri 
Compromise, but two, and every senator from the 
North voted against it, but four. There were then 
eighteen Northern votes cast in opposition to it, 
and but two Southern votes ; Mr. Macon, of North 
Carolina, and Mr. Smith, of South Carolina. 
When the bill went to the House of Kepresenta- 
tives, it passed by one hundred and thirty-four to 
forty-two votes. Forty Southern representatives 
went for it, and thirty-seven against it. Mr. Clay, 
Mr. Lowndes, and others from the South, were the 
chief advocates of the measure ; and the history 
of the events of that day demonstrates with what 
enthusiasm that Compromise of 1820 was received 
by the whole South. Mr. Monroe was President 
at that period, and before he signed the law it was 
submitted to Wm. H. Crawford, J. C. Calhoun, 
and Wm. Wirt, Southern members of his cabinet, 
who were unanimous as to its constitutionality. 



THE UNION OF THE STATES. 23 

To this law, then, the integrity and honor of the 
South was pledged. And now, Americans, mark 
the conduct of this democratic party ! They 
waited to people all the territory that could be 
populated by slaves, and then disturbed the peace 
and prosperity of the country by attempting to 
bake what of right belongs to the North ; for Mis- 
souri, Arkansas, and Florida, could have all been 
kept out of the Union, if the North had seen fit. 

The Missouri Compromise being applied to the 
Louisiana Territory, all settled down in peace, 
until the annexation of Texas. The democratic 
party, in the mean while, having made a scare-crow 
of a few abolitionists in the North, by introducing 
a resolution refusing the people their constitutional 
right of petition, kept alive agitation, as a part of 
their sacred creed ; and by the passage of the 
"twenty-first rule" they brought thousands and 
tens of thousands of these petitioners to Congress, 
insisting upon their right to be heard. The demo- 
cratic party then became alarmed at the unpopu- 
larity of their act, and repealed the twenty-first 
rule. What was the result ? The people became 
satisfied, when once their own rights were vindi- 
cated, and, instead of flooding Congress with these 



24 THE UNION OF THE STATES. 

petitions the succeeding session, it was a rare 
occurrence to hear that one was presented. 

When Texas became a state, the Missouri Com- 
promise line was applied to it by act of Congress, 
and that matter was thus settled. It passed the 
House by a vote of one hundred and twenty to 
ninety- eight, and every Southern democrat in that 
assembly voted for it. 

But not long after this the Mexican war 
occurred, and California, Utah, and New Mexico, 
were added to our territory. Oregon had just 
been organized as a territory, with the ordinance 
of 1787, which you will bear in mind, Americans, 
was a prohibition to the extension of slavery, and 
was signed by Mr. Polk, having as his cabinet 
adviser James Buchanan, of Pennsylvania ! 

The next thing to be done was to provide for the 
Territory of California. The Missouri Compromise 
was then offered in Congress to be applied to it, 
and every Southern senator voted for it. But, 
there was other territory acquired from Mexico, 
which was not included in this legislation, and 
about which great difficulty was created. Then it 
was that Mr. Clay, in the decline of life, left his 
own fireside, to forego all its pleasures in his last 



THE UNION OF THE STATES. 25 

hours, to heal the impending strife by aiding in 
the passage of the Compromise measures of 1850. 
And let it not be overlooked that the democrats, 
who caused the twenty-first rule to be enacted in 
the House, a short time before, to create agitation 
and disunion at the North, were the stern oppo- 
nents of the Compromise of 1850, which saved the 
Union, and restored harmony to all sections. 

At the beginning of the session, subsequent to 
the Compromise of 1850, Col. Jackson, of Georgia, 
offered this resolution : — ' ' Resolved, That we 
recognize the binding efficacy of the compromises 
of the constitution, and believe it to be the inten- 
tion of the people generally, as we hereby declare 
it to be ours individually, to abide such compro- 
mises, and to sustain the laws necessary to carry 
them out, — the provision for the delivery of fugi- 
tive slaves and that act of the last Congress for 
the purpose included, — and we deprecate all 
further agitation of all questions growing out of 
that provision, of the questions embraced in the acts 
of the last Congress known as the Compromise, and 
of questions generally connected with the institu- 
tion of slavery, as unnecessary, useless, and dan- 
gerous ;" when sixty-four voted against it. The 
3 



26 THE UNION OP THE STATES. 

democratic papers of that day said, " We notice 
the ultra Southern members from South Carolina 
voted with the free-soilers." That is, against the 
acquiescence of the two sections in peace, and a 
settlement of the slavery question. 

Mr. Hillyer, another member of the House, 
offered, in addition, this resolution : — " Resolved, 
That the series of acts passed during the first ses- 
sion of the Thirty-first Congress, known as the 
Compromise, are regarded as a final adjustment 
and a permanent settlement of the question therein 
embraced, and should be regarded, maintained, and 
executed, as such ; " which was also opposed by 
sixty-five votes ! And these from the South were 
every one democrats, who united with the aboli- 
tionists of the North against the very measures, 
Americans, which had just restored peace to your 
distracted country. 



CHAPTEK II. 

In 1852 Pierce obtained the nomination for 
President by the democratic party, and was elected 
by fraudulently deceiving the people, and inducing 
them to believe he was true to the compromises of 
the Constitution and the Union. The democratic 
party then got into power by that deception. And 
what has it done, my countrymen? Why, it has 
plunged us into civil war ; and we should also have 
been in foreign war, but for the respectable position 
the British cabinet took when they saw that Frank- 
lin Pierce and the democratic leaders were not rep- 
resenting, but personating, the American people. 
They have introduced an insurrectionary and revo- 
lutionary spirit among the masses, that they may 
hold out the Union flag, after staining it with blood, 
and call on the people to rally around it for the 
safety of the Union. Great Heaven, defend us 
from this serpent rule another four years ! Defend 
this people, 0, our nation's God, our people's only 



28 THE UNION OF THE STATES. 

refuge, from James Buchanan's power to perpetu 
ate this shameful democratic rule, which is now 
shaking the edifice of the Union through an execu- 
tive instrument who sacrilegiously occupies the 
chair of state ! 

Out of ten senators in Congress who voted for 
the repeal of the Missouri Compromise in 1854, 
thereby unsettling the compromises of 1820 and 
1850, seven of that number have gone over to the 
fortunes of the democratic party, with Atchison, 
Douglas, and Franklin Pierce, and just where the 
American people want them to remain. " Pierce 
suits us well; " "we know our man,'' was said 
with no more truth by Van Buren, in 1852, than 
it is now said of James Buchanan. It is the inter- 
est of the democratic leaders to keep up the agita- 
tion of slavery ; in this they live, move, and have 
their being ; and James Buchanan is pledged to 
keep all its elements in full blast, to perpetuate 
the power of the democratic dynasty. 

And who is it now, Americans, who can arrest 
the dangerous evils that democratic misrule has 
brought upon the land ? We answer, there is but 
one man now before the people who can restore us 
to the peace, prosperity, and progress, which were 



THE UNION OF THE STATES. 29 

given the country by the Compromise of 1850 ; 
and that man is Millard Fillmore. Mr. Stephen 
A. Douglas, United States senator from Illinois, is 
very good democratic authority ; and we give you an 
extract from his speech made in Richmond in 1852, 
and published in the Richmond Examiner, an influ- 
ential democratic paper of that state. Mr. Douglas 
was denouncing the Baltimore convention for not 
nominating Mr. Fillmore at that time, and said, 
" We say — ay, all of us — that Mr. Fillmore was a 
real God-send ; that he was sent by his Creator, 
that he was sent by God himself, to rule over the 
destinies of this country, when the ship of state 
was sinking in the tempest. (Loud and long- con- 
tinued cheers.) It was the calming of the waters 
when the ship was sinking in the tempest. All, 
therefore, look kindly on Mr. Fillmore ; and we 
like to give him all the consolation we can, after 
the bad treatment he received at Baltimore, because 
he was a whig, and yet did no harm to the coun- 
try." 

No, Americans, the most violent political oppo- 
nent cannot and dare not assume that Millard Fill- 
more did not advance the welfare of his country 
as a whole, and protect all its interests everywhere 
3* 



30 THE UNION OF THE STATES. 

Anoth3r fact, not to be omitted at this crisis, is, 
that the democratic party were the first to oppose 
the introduction of foreigners into the national 
councils, as well as Roman Catholics, though they 
have since courted these influences, and denounced 
the American party for insisting that none but 
Americans shall rule America. In the celebrated 
Virginia democratic resolutions of '98 and '99 are 
these : 

" That the General Assembly, nevertheless con- 
curring in opinion with the Legislature of Massa- 
chusetts, that every constitutional barrier should 
be opposed to the introduction of foreign influence 
into our national councils, 

" Resolved, That the constitution should be so 
amended that no foreigner who shall not have ac- 
quired rights under the constitution and laws at 
the time of making this amendment shall therefore 
be eligible to the office of senator or representative 
in the Congress of the United States, nor to any 
office in the executive or judiciary departments.' ' 

Now, while the American party has not any 
prejudice towards respectable foreigners, and makes 
no war upon them as foreigners, but, as subjects 
of the Pope of Rome, repudiates their interference 



THE UNION OF THE STATES. 31 

with our just political rights, the democratic party 
has opposed them as such ; and we all know that in 
the State of New Hampshire, a state devoted to 
the democracy, a Eoman Catholic cannot, to this 
day, hold any civil office, because he is a Catholic. 
And yet these democratic leaders, who have made 
all the agitation, and bought and sold the papal 
vote like a hogshead of tobacco or a bale of cotton, 
to carry their own election and retain the power, 
put out the signal of disunion, and would have the 
people cheated into the belief that they alone can 
save it from dissolution ! 

Americans, seventy years ago, the greatest work 
of mankind was completed, when our fathers em- 
bodied into an organic form the free covenant which 
gave to this nation its life, liberty, and happiness. 
This formation of the government takes rank in 
importance above the Revolution, and above the 
Declaration of Independence. You ask why? 
We answer, that while the Declaration of Inde- 
pendence cost the very extreme of sacrifice 'and the 
essence of patriotism, the labor to maintain our 
liberties would have been lost, after being won, had 
not the American Ulion been the result. And the 
great error now being committed by the people is 



32 THE UNION OF THE STATES. 

in putting the Declaration in the place of the 
Constitution, and looking to it as the instrument 
which governs them. 

But one fact must be kept alive, — that no one 
man could have been the author of the Declaration 
of Independence. Jefferson, Franklin, Adams, 
Livingston, Lee, Hancock, &c, all differed ; and it 
was these shades of opinion, delicately balanced, 
which made the Declaration, as it subsequently did 
the Constitution. And now, my countrymen, has 
one portion of these states been more benefited by 
the Union than the other? In other words, has 
the North or the South been gainers by the national 
compact ? Take the increase of territory, and look 
at the question in this sense. 

In 1803, Louisiana was bought for upwards of 
twenty-three millions of dollars, in order to control 
the commerce of the Mississippi valley, which has 
resulted in a benefit since that time to the free 
states and territories contiguous of not less, cer- 
tainly, than a thousand millions of dollars ! Iowa, 
Minesota, the Nebraska territory, with a certainty 
of Kansas and the rich prairies south of it, have 
all inured to the Northern States by that Louisiana 
purchase. The public lands, also, that have been 



THE UNION OP THE STATES. 33 



and yet remain to be sold, and the grants to 
Northern railroads, will surely equal two millions 
more in money, w'hich goes at once to the North ; 
and makes the result of the Louisiana increase 
beneficial to that section of the Union upwards 
of eleven hundred millions of dollars. 

Then, again, look at Texas. Its annexation cost 
the country, by the Mexican war, upwards of two 
hundred and seventeen millions ; by Texas claims, 
sixteen millions ; by the Gadsden Treaty, ten 
millions ; making the cost for the acquisition of 
Texas to the Union two hundred and thirty-three 
millions. By this the North acquired California, 
and a specie dividend which has amounted since 
1848 to three hundred and fifty millions of gold ! 
In addition to the gain in gold, this section of the 
Union has obtained by the Texas annexation a 
command over the trade of the Pacific. 

The increase of territory has therefore benefited 
the whole Union, and facilitated its enterprise, 
resources, and industry ; and California gave an 
impetus to the trade of the whole country, which 
could not have been felt otherwise in two hundred 
years. 

My countrymen, the American Union has God 



34 THE UNION OF THE STATES. 



for its author, and the welfare of the whole people 
for its basis — the welfare of men, the welfare of 
the states. Then, in all the majesty of American 
citizens, let the people stand to their rights, 
instead of trembling for their bread. The Amer- 
ican Revolution had one Arnold, but the name of 
traitor, in this present revolution, is " legion." 
They hate the doctrine of Washington, which is 
dear to the people, because it teaches that only 
" Americans shall rule America ; " the same doc- 
trine which made Charlemagne dear to Frenchmen, 
Robert Bruce to Scotchmen, Alfred the Great to 
Englishmen ! To intensify the love for the Union 
of these States, and make " dissolving views" of 
disunionists, is now the aim of the American 
party. Other evils may exist singly, and impose 
but one burden, but the destruction of this Union 
would subvert the interests of every state. It 
would change wisdom for folly, religion for 
sin, propagandism for patriotism, light for dark- 
ness. It would stop trade, commerce, and the 
development of our best agricultural resources. 
It would put an end to our unrivalled systems of 
education, and the utility of our inventions. It 
w*">uld arrest the increase of our newspaper issues, 



THE UNION OF THE STATES. 35 

and the increase of population. In a word, it 
would take away the key to all our knowledge, 
and shut against us the very gates of heaven. 
Humanity demands that this Union be preserved ; 
equality of rights demands it ; the religion of 
Jesus Christ demands it ; and, glory to God, the 
Euler of the world controls it ! 

No pen can expose the benefits, or portray the 
affliction, which would jeopardize trade, interest, 
labor, life ! And now, when the Union itself is a 
candidate for popular suffrage, can any other than 
an American feeling sweep the land ? The con- 
stitution comes from the people ; the majesty of 
sovereignty is in them. Who are the people ? 
They are the sons of the soil, and their industry 
made us free ! Our farmers, manufacturers, me- 
chanics, laborers, artisans, are the tiue constit- 
uency, and they insist that the right of the 
American working-man and mechanic can only be 
secured from foreign competition by maintaining the 
Union in all its integrity. In the abuse of the 
ballot-box the American laborer has been cast aside 
for the outcasts of Europe, until foreign interests, 
foreign laws, foreign regiments, and foreign Ian- 



36 THE UNION OF THE STATES. 



guages, have made the nation totter, by robbing 
the Union of its pristine strength. 

My countrymen, do you not remember that 
Rome's name, once a dread to despots, was made a 
reproach by the very act we are now committing ? 
She gave to conquered races the right to citizen- 
ship, and this destroyed her. And the Italian 
republics of the middle ages were invaded and 
enslaved by the Guelphs, Ghibelines, Germans, 
Swiss, Austrians, and French, who broke up the 
union of those little confederacies, simply because 
they neglected to guard the nationality of their 
own people. Athens and Lacedemon, for the same 
reason, fomented disunion, and prepared the way 
for Philip of Macedon, a northern conqueror, who 
accomplished their destruction. 

Even the Pope of Rome teaches this national 
principle to his own subjects ; and who but an 
Italian could succeed his holiness ? And, we say, 
let France be governed by Frenchmen, Ireland by 
Irishmen, Germany by Germans, and America by 
Americans, if this Union of ours is to remain. 
Like the telegraph, the Union keeps no local office, 
has no visible link between the states, but is the 
electric medium which circulates through all their 



THE UNION OF THE STATES. 37 

exehinges, meets all extremes and centralizes 
them, and is the ever-present source of the closest 
political intimacy. 

Americans, can anything dissolve this bright 
and sparkling cluster of stars, which make one 
shining jewel, upon which the Union's image is 
alone reflected ? Politicians may attempt it ; crazy 
fanatics may rail at it ; European emissaries 
may toil for it, and send money to the native 
traitors to facilitate it ; but we believe that beneath 
the present agitation and strife, Providence con- 
ceals a future blessing to this Union, and that is 
its peace and permanent endurance. 

When the Mexican war was declared, there was 
a majority of the people of this country who 
believed it aggressive and unjust. The election 
of 1844 had turned, in a great measure, upon 
the question of annexing Texas ; James K. Polk, 
the democratic nominee, favoring it, while Henry 
Clay, the whig candidate, opposed it. That elec- 
tion, discarding the foreign vote, was most unques- 
tionably a triumph to Mr. Clay, and a significant 
sign of opposition to Texas annexation. But, 
what effect had that freedom of opinion upon the 
war ? Why Americans, you all know, it was no 

4 



38 THE UNION OF THE STATES. 

sooner declared than citizens of all parts of the 
Union rushed to be enrolled and press into battle. 
In six weeks two hundred thousand were ready to 
take up arms. In three months two hundred 
thousand more were enlisted ; and, had it been 
necessary to vindicate our nationality and preserve 
the Union, a million of men would readily have 
gone to the fight. And can any sane mind believe 
that now, when the internal foes of the Union and 
the constitution have declared war against them, to 
be fought in a single day at the ballot-box, that the 
love for them will be less intensely exhibited ? Who 
can doubt that the mere suspicion of treason to 
this government will merge all sectional questions, 
and occupy with one thought this whole people, 
who will march to the music of the Union, and 
sweep out the offenders and the offence ? 

In the late European war in the Crimea, it was 
difficult for the allies to keep forty thousand men 
at any one time upon duty. Why ? Because these 
troops did not move by patriotic emotions, or a 
cultivated national feeling. Many of them had 
never held a rifle before, and would miss aim in a 
hundred successive shots. Americans, on the con- 
trary, are mostly target-shooters, and rarely waste 



THE UNION OF THE STATES. 39 

ball and powder. As they are in war, so they are 
in peace ; ready to sacrifice all for the glorious 
privileges secured to them by the free institutions 
under which they live. By all, then, my country- 
men, that is dear to the patriotism of your country, 
by all that is dear to the glory and transcendent 
magnitude of its peace and rising prosperity, by 
all that is dear to your domestic firesides, to your 
loved homes, and to all that can give value to the 
landing of the Pilgrims, to the illustrious memory 
of their deeds, the achievement of the revolutionary 
battle-fields, the bright galaxy of your heroes and 
the pride of country, avoid, by some conciliation, 
the dangers that now surround us, and let not the 
world point with scorn, and despots laugh in tri- 
umph over our crushed and ruined liberties. 

My countrymen, the love borne to the Union by 
the majorities of the people, with their vital 
'nterests indissolubly bound up in it, repels the 
idea that they ever will dissolve it while the simple 
remedy of the ballot-box remains in their hands. 
They cannot but see the inevitable fate of all the 
smaller states of the Union, North, Middle, and 
South. Never again would they have an equality 
with the larger states. Never again would they 



40 THE UNION OF THE STATES. 

stand as they now do in the Senate. Ehode Island, 
Delaware, Connecticut, Florida, and the like, would 
suffer absorption and annihilation. Texas would 
be destroyed by the Indians on the banks of the 
Rio Grande. Every Southern state would need 
all the militia within its own borders to defend 
itself, and could not fly to the succor of its sister 
states. If the small states sought foreign aid 
against the aggression of the larger, that foreign 
power would afterwards claim them as its vassals. 

There are now five of these small states, which 
are just as strongly represented in the United 
States Senate as the five largest ones in the Union. 
New York has no more voice there than Rhode 
Island, Virginia than Florida. Hence, nearly one 
sixth of the power of the general government, and 
the treaty-making authority, is now in the smaller 
states. But, if ever separation comes, remember 
no revolution will ever make the Union again what 
it is now. Our civil and religious blessings, our 
growth, our resources, the development of our 
wealth, are gone, and the small states lost forever. 

The neglect of the Bible is, in our judgment, 
the prominent reason for our past evils and present 
peril. Can anything be more ominous of destruc- 



THE UNION OF THE STATES. 41 

tion to a people, than neglect of moral culture, 
and contempt of the principles of virtue and Chris- 
tianity ? What other bulwarks can avail to save 
our Union ? The principles of the Bible, where 
its spirit imbues the heart, and is acted out in the 
life, will save us from disunion. "Without it, the 
charm of liberty and the Union is lost. Men are 
ripe for treason, stratagem, and war. We may 
make music for a thousand ages, but it will not 
be that of the song and the shouts of victory of 
Deborah, when the chariots and the horsemen of 
Pharaoh were overthrown. 

Fillmore's election will give support to private 
integrity, as well as national credit and honor, and 
save the reduction of property, products, and com- 
merce. He will be to the whole people as a strong 
metallic currency was to England in her bloody war 
with France — the strong confidence by which she 
humbled the states of Europe, swept the seas with 
her navy, and sent Napoleon to St. Helena. 

Now, what would be the result of rejecting Mil- 
lard Fillmore, whom a kind Providence has allowed 
you the privilege to elect, if you would save your 

country ? It is no fancy sketch to tell you these 
4* 



42 THE UNION OF THE STATES. 

plain truths. There would be a distress, deep and 
universal, in this country, never felt before. The 
banks would be drained of their gold, because their 
credit would fail ; trade would be crippled, and mer- 
chants would cease to be able to procure credit at 
long dates, and therefore obliged to suspend. 
Manufacturers would not be able to sell their goods, 
or raise money on them. American industry would 
then be checked at once. The national debt would 
be doubled. The taxes upon the people would be 
increased ten-fold. The credit of the nation would 
be so reduced that the navy and army would be com- 
pelled to disband. There would be such distrust 
among all the industrial walks of the people, that 
no one could command a barrel of flour, or a bag of 
coffee, unless the money accompanied the order. 
The whole country would be in gloom, and the 
honest yeomen of the land would smite their breasts 
and cry aloud, "We are deceived, we are des- 
troyed ! " Everything within and without threat- 
ens destruction, if Fillmore is now cast aside. The 
nation's faith and the nation's honor should demand 
this pledge to be made, and the world reassured 
that the experiment of self-government has not 



THE UNION OF THE STATES. 43 

failed — that America's fortress is stLl armed and 
manned by freemen. 

Now, let us look rationally at the matter, and 
ask to what amounts the folly of pretending to 
advocate, at this crisis, the restoration of the Mis- 
souri Compromise. It plainly means nothing at 
all, but to keep up a practised art of deceiving 
honest minds. The day for this has passed ; and 
it is as pertinent to say the repeal of the Missouri 
Compromise might have been avoided by defeating 
Franklin Pierce's election to the presidency in 
1852, or that some dead man might have lived, 
if proper remedies had been seasonably used, 
as to say now that the Missouri Compromise can 
ever be restored, as it stood when Pierce and the 
democratic leaders laid upon it their sacrilegious 
hands. Some may ask, is this impossible ? We 
answer, it is ; for, while the South could voluntarily 
restore it, it is not to be supposed it would, and 
thereby pass condemnation on its own acts. 

My countrymen, it is high time to awake from 
this delusion, and cast aside this phantom which 
is being embodied into pretended substance, and 
made an«issue in the pending presidential election, 
when, in truth, the restoration of the compromise 



44 THE UNION OF THE STATES. 

has no more to do with the election of President 
than it has with the coronation of Alexander of 
Russia, or the baptism of the heir of Louis Napo- 
leon of France. And why ? We answer, Because 
the question of restoring the compromise will never 
be made one for any future President to consider in 
his official station. 

There is no earthly prospect that Congress, which 
alone could reinstate what it created and has de- 
stroyed, would pass an act of this nature before 
Kansas was admitted into the Union as a state. 
We all know that, with the sectional agitation now 
existing, such a step would rend the Union at once 
into fragments. It is morally impossible, therefore, 
and folly even to entertain such an idea. And you 
also understand the meaning of your own constitu- 
tion, and know equally well that Congress cannot, 
if it wished, lay the weight of a feather upon the 
institutions of a state of this Union. So, whether 
Kansas was a free or a slave state, — and God for- 
bid it should be the latter ! — the Missouri Compro- 
mise would not and could not be restored. Then, 
if it is true — and every man and woman in the 
land knows it — that Kansas will soon 1*5 a free 
state, asking admission into the sisterhood of the 



THE UNION OF THE STATES. 45 

Union, it will require more art, we believe, than all 
the political demagogues of the country contain, to 
persuade the American people that the election of 
the President has anything to do with restoring the 
Missouri Compromise. And it needs high pressure 
now to be put upon the public virtue of the country, 
to awaken it to the true sight of its designing foes ; 
that the people may at once see that the Union's 
strength is alone in its devotion to constitutional 
liberty, and on this alone it must stand or fall. 
The Convention which made the Constitution in 
1787, sent out a letter to all the people, giving 
them to understand the spirit of compromise upon 
which it was adjusted, and which the States, to 
maintain it, must preserve. George Washington 
signed that letter, and we give its language, as 
pertinent to our present emergency. 

" Individuals," said the Convention, "entering 
into society, must give up a share of liberty to pre- 
serve the rest. The magnitude of the sacrifice 
must depend as well on situation and circumstances 
as on the object to be attained. In all our delib- 
erations on this subject, the object which the Con- 
vention has kept steadily in view, was the consoli- 
dation of the Union, in which is involved our 



46 THE UNION OF THE STATES. 

prosperity, felicity, safety, perhaps our national 
existence. This important consideration, seriously 
and deeply impressed on our minds, led each State 
in the Convention to be less rigid on points of 
inferior magnitude than might have been otherwise 
expected." 



Note foe. page 50. 



The fall returns to the 1st of October, 1856, will show that our com- 
mercial marine exceeds that of Great Britain one million of tons ; and, if 
our national progress and prosperity continue in the next three years at 
the same rate, we have no reason to doubt that in 1860 our commercial 
marine will exceed that of Great Britain and France combined. 



CHAPTER III. 

On the 4th of March, 1857, the present Congress 
closes its power. The next Congress will begin its 
session the following December. Before that time, 
Kansas will either be in the Union, or at the door 
of Congress for admission. Now, with a large 
democratic majority from the South in the House, 
and a democratic majority also in the Senate, is it 
not an insult to the intelligence of the people to 
talk of doing anything with the compromise the 
next session, while the Senate will still hold its 
democratic majority in the succeeding Congress, 
thereby putting the compromise restoration at an 
end forever ! Its repeal, in the language of Mil- 
lard Fillmore, "was the Pandora's box, out of 
which have issued all our present evils." The 
whole country had for thirty years acquiesced in 
the compromises of the constitution as sacred ; and 
the intelligence, justice, and honor, of the people of 
the South, were opposed to its repeal just as much 



48 THE UNION OF THE STATES. 

as were the people of the North. It was the act 
of the democratic party — we mean its treacherous 
leaders, in league with Pierce, whom they used as 
the instrument to accomplish their long-predeter- 
mined scheme to foster agitation, and perpetuate 
their own power. Franklin Pierce was the man 
for their ends ; hence the occasion to appropri- 
ate him was eagerly embraced. 0, my country- 
men, be conjured to rise in the majesty of your 
own intelligence ! Search into these matters, and 
see for yourselves that the Missouri Compromise is 
dead, and cannot be restored ; that with it the 
President you elect will never have anything offi- 
cially to do ; that it is not truthfully any more an 
issue before the people than the ' ' embargo ' ' which 
was passed under Mr. Jefferson's administration, or 
the alien and sedition laws under that of John 
Adams. 

Never before was so false an issue made as is 
now thrust before the people upon the Kansas ques- 
tion ; as though the majorities of the South did not 
as fully as the North condemn the leaders of the 
democratic party and its President for allowing 
American blood to be shed on American soil by 
American men. These leaders have incited those 



THE UNION OF THE STATES. 49 

bloody deeds in that territory, rather than inter- 
posed the government and laws to arrest the civil 
war, and bring the offenders to punishment. Why, 
then, should fifteen states of this Union be sen- 
tenced to the vindictive curses of sixteen others ? 
In commerce and trade, in the struggle for a na- 
tional existence, in all the revolutionary battles, 
and the subsequent association since our independ- 
ence, the interests of all these states have been 
identified. The fifteen states of the South do not 
support now a candidate for their own section, but 
for the whole thirty-one states. And, in proof of 
this, a majority of these states will cast their vote 
for Millard Fillmore, a native citizen, and resident 
of the great State of New York. My countrymen, 
it is treason to the Union to support any candidate 
on account of this sectional feeling. It is madness 
on the part of the people, and will be the dying out 
of all our national fame. 

It will be death to the great commercial metropo- 
lis of the country, which has been built up by the 
common trade of the North and South. This com- 
merce, which has, in this present year, 1856, swelled 
to the enormous aggregated amount of four billions 
five hundred millions, was the origin of our present 
5 



50 THE UNION OF THE STATES. 

constitutional government. The cities of New 
York, Boston, and others, refused to treat with 
men longer under the unstable articles of the old 
confederacy of states ; and this desire to give secur- 
ity to the trade of the North and South led to the 
convention of 1787, which gave us the most glori- 
ous system of free government which has ever 
blessed mankind. 

But then, Americans, that commerce was confined 
to a few privateers. The effects of the Eevolution- 
ary War were all around us. Now we have the 
greatest commercial tonnage of any nation on earth, 
and soon will have more, if we continue as we are, 
than all the rest together. See, only last year, 
1855, while Great Britain had five millions, the 
United States had five millions two hundred thou- 
sand, and the rest of the world together had the 
exact amount of Great Britain ; and while, in the 
last thirty years, the commercial marine has in- 
creased in Great Britain twenty-eight per cent., it 
has increased in the United States fifty-eight per 
cent, in the same period. (See note on page 46.) 

Americans, it is your country, and New York its 
great emporium, which has outsailed and outnum- 
bered the commercial marine of the whole globe ; 



THE UNION OF THE STATES. 51 

and now owes the greatness of her trade to the "Union 
of all the states. And who, that knows the intelli- 
gence of her people, believes for a moment that a 
city maintaining upwards of eighty-five thousand 
qualified voters could ever give its vote to a sec- 
tional issue between these states? Who believes 
the merchant, the banker, the ship-owner, the prop- 
erty-holder, the men of the workshop, the master 
mechanic, and builder, of New York, Boston, and 
other cities, will surrender the opportunity, when 
presented in the presidential election, to vindicate 
the Union of these states? Will the young men, 
who have all to hope in the rising greatness of their 
country, hesitate? — will they who look to New York 
as the national trading and commercial metropolis, 
and whose ambition would make them run to the 
music of the Union? 

It is the Union as it is, the preservation of the 
rights of the North and the South, that now calls on 
the merchants and property-holders of the Empire 
City of the Union to look to its future name. In 
New York city, we find, by the comptroller's report 
in 1856, there is five hundred and thirteen millions 
of individual wealth ; the city corporations also 
holding forty-two millions of real property, and a 



52 THE UNION OF THE STATES. 

banking and insurance capital of seventy millions. 
New Yo.;k city, then, has a capital involved in the 
welfare of this Union of six hundred and thirty 
millions of dollars, with a population of six hundred 
and thirty thousand. 

Americans, what unequalled prosperity is here 
presented ! — a city averaging a thousand dollars 
per capita ! And how comes all this ? Why, 
plainly from the concentration of all the trade and 
commerce of the thirty-one states of this federal 
Union. Now, let the business men of the country, 
the property- owners, young men of all trades, the 
mechanics, say what would result to New York city 
alone by the separation of fifteen states of the Union 
from the other sixteen. Let them tell what would 
result to the cotton trade, raised exclusively at the 
South, but exchanged exclusively at the North. In 
the year 1855, this crop placed to Northern credit 
alone one hundred and twenty-five millions of dol- 
lars ; beside more than half a million of cotton-bales 
were manufactured last year at the North, making 
another hundred millions to the cotton exchanges 
that season. And what, too, but Northern ships 
and Northern men were employed in transporting 
these three thousand five hundred cotton-bales to be 



THE UNION OF THE STATES. 53 

manufactured at the North ? Americans, who can 
believe that the practical men of the nation, the 
manufacturers of New England, are not above decep- 
tion upon the vital question of their own interests, 
as well as the mechanics and property-holders of 
New York? Certainly not less than two hundred 
millions of dollars passed into the hands of carriers, 
factors, and bankers, in the year 1855 ; and is 
it not best to trust the liberties and institutions 
of your country again to a man who has filled the 
presidential chair with so much benefit to every 
interest, that every party endorsed him ? Is it not 
best to take the man who endorsed the Missouri 
Compromise of 1820, when he signed the compro- 
mises of 1850, which made Kansas a free state? 
We say, is it not wise to secure the man whose 
devotion to the Union of the states has been demon- 
strated by his acts, while Providence offers us the 
privilege to place our country once more at peace ? 

The election of Millard Fillmore would put an 
end to Kansas fighting in a single day. If needful, 
he would march the entire army of the United 
States to that scene of blood, with the gallant Scott 
at its head. He would allow the actual settlers of 
that territory to settle its government for theni- 
5* 



54 THE UNION OF THE STATES. 

selves ; and, by exerting the influence of the gov- 
ernment for the safety of that people, all strife 
would cease, and a full sweep be given to the 
energy and enterprise of settlers in all their free 
pursuits. 

Americans, with Fillmore at the helm of state, 
no more legislation, no more interference from any 
source, is needed to terminate civil war, and give 
freedom and peace to Kansas, and lift the pall of 
human wrong from this rising country ; so that 
Anglo-Saxon blood may go on to populate, civilize, 
enrich, and aggrandize the heritage which God has 
opened for the welfare of our own people, and the 
good of the human race. 

It is time to end a censorship which the sixteen 
Northern states and the fifteen Southern states are 
each attempting, through fanatical spirits, to exert 
over the other. It is more baneful to our liberties 
than that now existing in France, Austria, Russia, 
or Italy. It is more odious to freemen than the 
Council of Ten in ancient Venice. We must not 
forget that conciliation has ever been the bond of 
this Union, and that it has saved more than once 
our streets from growing with grass, our rivers from 
being red with blood, and thousands now in man- 



THE UNION OF THE STATES. 55 

hood from untimely graves. Let us not forget how 
the Missouri difficulty in 1820 was settled ; how 
the tariff question, under General Jackson's admin- 
istration, was adjusted ; how the compromise of 
1850 made the North and the South sing aloud 
with joy ! It was a national arrangement ', to which 
all sections at once consented, and on which all 
parties harmonized, when a Northern man, with 
Northern sentiments, who had steadily stood to 
Northern principles, became a national man, and 
proved true to the constitution and the Union of all 
the thirty-one states, and signed that law ! 

Now, when the interests of the country are all 
affected, and real estate depreciating in value every 
day, is it not time to box up every other interest, 
as our fathers did in the American Eevolution? 
Leave the workshop, the counting-house, the agri- 
cultural implements lying in the fields of your 
country, and prepare for the contest for the prin- 
ciples of your government which is to be fought in 
November without cannon or bayonet. My coun- 
trymen, a thousand millions of money could not 
pay for the ill effects which may result from the 
defeat of Millard Fillmore at this crisis of our his- 
tory ; while his election will be the certain insur- 



56 THE UNION OF THE STATES. 

ance upon your commerce, finance, trade, your 
shipping, inventions, discoveries, educational bless- 
ings, your Protestant liberty, and your unbroken 
union and national renown. 

In the light of all these reflections and causes of 
danger to our safety, and the fear of splitting on the 
rock of disunion, let us, my countrymen, take warn- 
ing from the history of all the republics of the past. 
Where are the communities which have been exalted 
by prosperity, arts, commerce, and military might ? 
Where are the treasures of Nineveh, the walls of 
•Babylon, the sceptres of the Caesars ? A thousand 
warnings come across the ocean from the monarchies 
and republics of the Old World: — Athens, Thebes, 
Rome, and Byzantium ; the flourishing states of 
Holland, of Geneva, of Venice, — of which noth- 
ing is left but the living monument of history. 
This republic has risen, as it were, from the despot- 
ism and ashes of the Old World ; and wonderful is 
our story, mighty our prowess, our progress, our 
elevation, and we have been saved thus far. For 
this let us send forth p«Bans of united praise, and 
give glory to the Author of our being, and of our 
national preservation ! 

And now, we ask, who will not join in prolong- 



SHE UNION OF THE STATES. 57 

ing this Union? Who will prove recreant here? 
Speak, ye patriots, ye sons of the soil, East and 
West, North and South ! Who is able to probe the 
depth of this subject? It swells the heart with 
emotions too big for utterance. The Union of the 
States ! What a theme ! — a theme which sur- 
passes in importance and magnificence the highest 
powers of our imagination to conceive, or our pen 
to portray. How feebly have we spoken ! Come, 
assemble, ye American men ! Let your glowing 
eloquence fill with rapture the listening throng, as 
you arouse with patriotism, and startle with magic 
logic, the sons of your soil to the greatness and 
sublimity of their patrimony ! Come, ye proudest 
of historians, — Bancroft, Hume, and Hilliard, — 
and reveal the majesty of Plymouth Kock, of 
Bunker Hill, of Yorktown ; the rising enterprise, 
genius, glory, and boundless prospects of this New 
World, in the indissoluble charm of this Union ! 
Come, ye muses, — Apollo, Calliope, Calypso, — 
and celebrate, in strains as sweet as the harp of 
David, or an angel's lyre, the ineffable grandeur 
and loveliness of this western empire, in one un- 
broken unity of brilliant stars ! 

Come, assemble, ye patriots, natives of this soil, 



58 THE UNION OF THE STATES. 

ye who best know how to feel the inspiration 
which calls you to defend it, if invaded, with mil- 
lions of bayonets, or to repose, when in peace and 
prosperity, under the shadow of its outspread and 
majestic wings ! Come, weigh, ponder, stand on 
Capitol Hill and survey the whole horizon in the 
immense field of your vision, and see if you can 
estimate its value, or reach in debate the height 
and dignity of this immortal theme ! 

Then, in this view, to change the tenor of our 
remarks, what shall we say of the traitor who 
dares to stand forth, and, with polluted and mur- 
derous hands, with the associates of Catiline at 
his back, to strike a fatal blow at this Union, and 
to pull down its pillars ? Erostratus fired the temple 
of Ephesus, and then disappeared by the light of 
the blaze. So will those, South and North, who 
are piling up fagots to set this Union in a glitter- 
ing flame, cease their madness, and be swept to the 
insignificance from whence they were taken, while 
the Union, on the proud pillars of the constitution, 
will be found standing as on a rock of adamant ! 



THE UNION OF THE STATES. 59 

EXPLANATION OF ME. FILLMORE'S 
ALBANY SPEECH. 

MAYOR PERRY'S ADDRESS. 

"Mr. Fillmore: Words cannot express the 
emotions of our hearts to-day, as we receive you 
back, the distinguished and honored son of this 
great state ; one who has worthily possessed the 
highest testimonial which a free people can offer 
to patriotism and exalted worth, and who is now, 
by the voluntary action of that people, again selected 
as their first choice to preside over the destinies 
of this great republic. The waters of the vast 
Atlantic could not wash you from our remembrance ; 
and while separated from us by time and by dis- 
tance, you have lived, sir, as you must ever live, 
in our warmest remembrance. During your ab- 
sence, it has been at once the pride and the pleasure 
of the American people to present your name again 
as their choice for the high and glorious position 
of President of these United States, knowing that 
you sought not office for office's sake. Knowing that 
no mean ambition could tempt you from the path 
of duty, yet fearing that your disposition might 
incline you to retreat from the cares of public into 



60 THE UNION OF THE STATES. 

the pleasures of private life, we have stood in 
anxious suspense, until we have received the wel- 
come announcement of your acceptance of that 
honor which it is our wish and design to confer 
upon you. And if anything could add to the pride 
and pleasure with which we now welcome you, it 
is a knowledge of the fact, ' that if there be those, 
either North or South, who desire an administration 
for the North as against the South, or for the 
South as against the North, they are not the men 
who should give their suffrages to you/ And, sir, 
we glory in the patriotic announcement, that you, 
as the chief magistrate of our united and beloved 
land, will ' know only your country, your whole 
country, and nothing but your country/ It is such 
a statement as this which will restore peace to our 
agitated land ; will allay the angry passions ex- 
cited by bad and designing men ; will roll back 
the dark and portentous cloud which threatens to 
arise, and will stay the further progress of fraternal 
discord and angry strife. Sir, we welcome you, 
as a man, with warm hearts, because we love you ; 
but, chiefly, and more than all, we welcome you, 
because of the proof we derive, both from your 
past and present course, that the same pure spirit 



THE UNION OF THE STATES. 61 

of patriotism you have ever manifested will con- 
tinue to influence you in the future ; and that thus 
'our beloved country, our whole country, and 
nothing hut our country, ' may be preserved from 
the dangers which threaten it, and may be trans- 
mitted with renewed glory, and unimpaired by 
any act of ours, to remotest posterity. 

" Mr. Fillmore : In the name of the citizens of 
Albany, and on their behalf, I am proud to bid 
you a most hearty welcome.' ! 

Mr. Fillmore, in response, said : 

" We see a political party presenting candidates 
for the presidency and vice presidency, selected for 
the first time from the free states alone, with the 
avowed purpose of electing these candidates by 
suffrages of one part of the Union only, to rule 
over the whole United States. Can it be possible 
that those who are engaged in such a measure can 
have seriously reflected upon the consequences 
which must inevitably follow in case of success ? 
(Cheers.) Can they have the madness or the folly 
to believe that our Southern brethren would submit 
to be governed by such a chief magistrate? 
(Cheers.) Would he be required to follow the 
6 



62 THE UNION OF THE STATES. 

same rule prescribed by those who elected him in 
making his appointments ? If a man living south 
of Mason and Dixon's line be not worthy to be 
president or vice president, would it be proper to 
select one from the same quarter as one of his 
cabinet counsel, or to represent the nation in a 
foreign country ? or, indeed, to collect the revenue 
or administer the laws of the United States ? If 
not, what new rule is the president to adopt in 
selecting men for office, that the people themselves 
discard in selecting him ? These are serious but 
practical questions ; and in order to appreciate 
them fully, it is only necessary to turn the tables 
upon ourselves. Suppose that the South, having 
a majority of the electoral votes, should declare 
$at they would only have slaveholders for presi- 
dent and vice president, and should elect such by 
their exclusive suffrages to rule over us at the 
North. Do you think we would submit to it? 
No, not for a moment ! (Applause.) And do you 
believe that your Southern brethren are less sensi- 
tive on this subject than you are, or less zealous 
of their rights ? (Tremendous cheering.) If you 
do, let me tell you that you are mistaken. And, 
therefore, you must see that if this sectional party 



THE UNION OF THE STATES. 63 

succeeds, it leads inevitably to the destruction of 
this beautiful fabric reared by our forefathers, 
cemented by their blood, and bequeathed to us as a 
priceless inheritance." 

Here we discover the true spirit of submission to 
the popular will, and devotion to the entire Union, 
as it exists under our national constitution. He 
does not say that the election of the nominee of 
the republican party would not and ought not to 
be submitted to by the South. But that, if the 
principle was carried out, of excluding every South- 
ern man from participation in government by that 
party, and the cabinet offices, foreign appoint- 
ments, judges of the courts, and administrative 
offices of the government , were placed wholly in the 
hands of the North, that the South ought no more 
to submit, than would he and his Northern friends 
submit, if the South, as the South, should attempt 
to control and act for the whole country. 

Americans, this speech was not made to the 
South, but was delivered at Albany, the head-quar- 
ters of sectionalism, and addressed to Northern men, 
warning them of probable danger, and depicting its 
consequences. Mr Fillmore, true to the spirit of 



64 THE UNION OF THE STATES. 

Washington's "Farewell Address," " indignantly frowned 
upon the first dawning of the attempt to alienate one 
portion of our country from the rest ; " while he declares 
to all the world that he himself will stand to the Union , 
no matter which of the presidential candidates shall be 
elected by the free suffrages of the American people. 

" Will not submit " were very harmless words when used 
years ago by Gen. Washington, and, later still, by Henry 
Clay. When it was proposed by Congress, in the Revolu- 
tionary struggle, to elevate foreigners in the American 
army, Gen. Washington objected, and said, " American 
officers would not submit to it;" and when Hon. Edward 
Everett, in whom every American has infinite cause for 
pride, was nominated to the United States Senate as Minis- 
ter to England, there were certain Southern members who 
objected ; when Mr. Clay, perceiving this sectional feeling, 
arose in his place, and rebuked it, remarking that such a 
manifestation of sectionalism would not be tolerated, — 
that " the North would not submit." 

Here the language in both cases was identical with that 
employed on the recent occasion by Mr. Fillmore at Albany ; 
yet it was then deemed very harmless, and excited no preju- 
diced remark in any quarter. What now constitutes the 
crime of the same expression by Mr. Fillmore, whose whole 
character and conduct exhibit patriotism and devotion to 
the Union worthy in all respects of his distinguished pre- 
decessors ? Why, simply that he stands in the way of those 
whose interest it is to misrepresent and calumniate him. 



LIST OF BOOKS 

PUBLISHED BY 

JAMES FEENCH & CO., 

78 Washington Street, Boston. 



SCHOOL BOOKS. 

FOSTER'S BOOK-KEEPING, by double and single 

entry, both in single and copartnership business, exemplified in 
three sets of books. Twelfth Edition. 8vo. Cloth, extra. . 1 00 

FOSTER'S BOOK-KEEPING, by single entry, ex- 
emplified in two sets of books. Boards 38 

FRENCH'S SYSTEM OF PRACTICAL PENMAN- 

SHIP, founded on scientific movements ; combining the principles 
on which the method of teaching is based. — Illustrated by en- 
graved copies, for the use of Teachers and Learners. Twenty- 
seventh Edition 25 

This little treatise seems well fitted to teach everything which 
can be taught of the theory of Penmanship. The style proposed 
is very simple. The copperplate fac-similes of Mr. French's 
writing are as neat as anything of the kind we ever saw. — - 
Post. 

Mr. French has illustrated his theory with some of the most 
elegant specimens of execution, which prove him master of his 
science. — Coui.er. 

1 



JAMES FRENCH AND CO.'S PUBLICATIONS. 

This work is of a useful character, evidently illustrating an ex- 
cellent system. We have already spoken of it in terms of appro- 
bation. — Journal. 

This little work of his is one of the best and most useful publi 
cations of the kind that we have seen. — Transcript. 

BEAUTIES OF WRITING, containing twenty large 
specimens of Ornamental Penmanship, Pen Drawing, and off-hand 
Flourishing 75 

BOSTON COPY-BOOK ; comprising nearly two hundred 
engraved copies, for the use of Schools and Academies. . . 42 

LADIES' COPY-BOOK, containing many beautiful en- 
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writing ; also including German Text and Old English. . . 17 

BOSTON ELEMENTARY COPY-BOOK, comprising 
large and small Test Hand, for Schools 12£ 

COOK'S MERCANTILE SYSTEM OF PENMAN- 
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Tip ART of PEN-DRAWING, containing examples 
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MISCELLANEOUS AND JUVENILE. 

TURKEY AND THE TURKS, by Dr. J. V. C. Smith, 
Mayor of Boston. 320 pages. 12mo. Cloth 75 

It is a most excellent work. It will have a large sale, for it 
embraces more real information about real Turks and their strange 
peculiarities than anything we have yet read —Post. 

2 



JAMES FRENCH & CO.'S PUBLICATIONS. 

RAMBLES IN EASTERN ASIA, including China 
and Manilla, during several years' residence. With notes of the 
voyage to China, excursions in Manilla, Hong Kong, Shanghai, 
Ningpoo, Amoy, Fouchow and Macon, by Dr. Ball. One hand- 
some vol., 12mo., cloth, $1j25 

AMBITION: by Kate Willis, 12mo., cloth, . . 1,00 

CARRIE EMERSON: or, Life at Cliftonville. 

By C. A. Hayden. 1 handsome vol., 12mo., cloth, . . $1,00 

KATE STANTON : a Page from Real Life. 12mo., 
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FOR YOU KNOW WHOM: or, Our School at 

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EQUAL RIGHTS OF THE RICH AND POOR. 

By A. H.Hall. 18mo., cloth, 37£ 

EXILE'S LAY, and other Poems. By the Border 

Minstrel. 18mo., cloth, gilt, 38 

STORIES FOR LITTLE FOLKS AT HOME. 

By Aunt Martha. Beautifully Illustrated. Cloth, gilt, . 40 

3 



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THE MASSACHUSETTS STATE RECORD, for the 

years 1847, 1848, 1849, 1850 and 1851 ; one of the most valuable 
American Statistical Works. 5 vols. 12mo. Cloth. . . 5 00 

THE NEW HAMPSHIRE FESTIVAL. A graphic 

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Boston, Hon. Daniel Webster presiding. Illustrated with portraits 

of Webster, Woodbury and Wilder. 8vo. Cloth, gilt. . 2 00 

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THE SAME, Gilt Edges and Sides 3 00 

FESTIVAL. 2 vols, in one. 8vo. Cloth, gilt. . . 2 50 
ELEANOR : or, Life without Love. 12mo. Cloth. 75 
LIFE IN ENGLAND AND AMERICA. Illustrated. 

12mo. Cloth 75 

THE VACATION : or, Mrs. Stanley and Her Chil- 

DREx\. By Mrs. J. Thayer. Illustrated. 18mo. Cloth. Third 

Edition 50 

THE SAME, Gilt Edges 75 

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THE DREAM FULFILLED: or, The Trials and 

Triumphs of the Moreland Family. 18mo. Cloth. . . 42 

THE SAME, Gilt Edges. Fifth Edition 62£ 

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A Tale of the Revolution. Written for the Young. 18mo. Cloth. 

Sixth Edition. (In press.) 37^ 

THE .SAME, Gilt Edges 56 

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THE SAME, Gilt Edges 62£ 

TALMUDIC MAXIMS. Translated from the Hebrew ; 
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THE SAME, Gilt Edges 75 

LECTURES TO YOUTH. Containing instructions pre- 
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THE SAME, Gilt Edges 75 

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TURNOVER. A Tale of New Hampshire. Paper. 25 

THE HISTORY OF THE HEN FEVER; a Humor- 

ous Record. By Geo. P. Burnham. With twenty Illustrations. 
12mo. Cloth 125 

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ZION. With Illustrative Title. By Rev. Mr. Taylor. 42 
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BOSTON COMMON; A Tale of Our Own Times. 

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SENTIMENTS ON SOCIAL LIFE. 32mo. 



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